ईरान इज़राइल के विरुद्ध अकेले युद्ध क्यों लड़ रहा है?

 

ईरान और इज़राइल के बीच लंबे समय से चल रहा तनाव अब अभूतपूर्व प्रत्यक्ष संघर्ष में बदल चुका है, जिसमें दोनों पक्षों ने मिसाइल हमले किए हैं और क्षेत्र में भारी उथल-पुथल मच गई है। इस संघर्ष को और अधिक गंभीर तब बना दिया जब अमेरिका ने ईरान के फोर्दो, इस्फहान और नतांज़ जैसे रणनीतिक ठिकानों पर हमलों की पुष्टि की। लेकिन इन सब से भी अधिक चौंकाने वाली बात यह है कि इस्लामी दुनिया ने ईरान की इस संकट की घड़ी में पूर्णतः चुप्पी साध रखी है। कोई भी इस्लामी देश उसके समर्थन में सामने नहीं आया है। इसके विपरीत, कुछ देशों ने या तो रणनीतिक चुप्पी बनाए रखी है, या तटस्थ रुख अपनाया है, या अमेरिका-इज़राइल के खेमे में झुकाव दिखाया है। उदाहरण के लिए, पाकिस्तान के सेनाध्यक्ष असीम मुनीर हाल ही में अमेरिका के पूर्व राष्ट्रपति डोनाल्ड ट्रंप द्वारा आयोजित व्हाइट हाउस में एक निजी भोज में शामिल हुए , जो पाकिस्तान के पश्चिमी झुकाव का प्रतीक है।

कमज़ोर होता  “Axis of Resistance”

1979 की इस्लामी क्रांति के बाद से, ईरान ने पूरे मध्य पूर्व में अपने प्रभाव का विस्तार एक नेटवर्क के ज़रिये किया, जिसमें उसके सहयोगी और प्रॉक्सी ताकतें शामिल थीं। इस गठबंधन को सामूहिक रूप से “Axis of Resistance” कहा गया, जिसमें लेबनान का हिज़्बुल्लाह, यमन के हूथी विद्रोही, इराक़ की शिया मिलिशिया और फिलिस्तीनी गुट हमास तथा इस्लामिक जिहाद जैसे संगठन शामिल थे। इन सभी का साझा उद्देश्य अमेरिका और इज़राइल के प्रभाव का विरोध करना था।

लेकिन पिछले दो वर्षों में इस धुरे की ताकत में भारी गिरावट आई है। ईरान के कई सहयोगी या तो सत्ता से बाहर हो चुके हैं या गंभीर संकट में हैं। किंग्स कॉलेज लंदन के सुरक्षा विशेषज्ञ आंद्रेयस क्रीग कहते हैं कि यह अब एक संगठित गठबंधन नहीं बल्कि एक ढीला-ढाला नेटवर्क बन गया है, जहां हर संगठन अपने अस्तित्व की लड़ाई लड़ रहा है।

ऑस्ट्रेलियन नेशनल यूनिवर्सिटी के मध्य पूर्व विशेषज्ञ इयान पारमीटर के अनुसार, ईरान पिछले 40 वर्षों में सबसे कमजोर स्थिति में है। उनके अनुसार, ईरान के पारंपरिक सहयोगियों की क्षीण शक्ति के कारण ही इज़राइली रक्षा बलों को खुलकर कार्रवाई करने का अवसर मिल रहा है। उदाहरण के लिए, हमास की सैन्य शक्ति पिछले दो वर्षों में इज़राइल के साथ संघर्ष में काफी हद तक नष्ट हो चुकी है। सीरिया में बशर अल-असद की सरकार, जो कभी ईरान की मज़बूत साझेदार थी, हिज़्बुल्लाह के साथ युद्ध के कुछ ही सप्ताहों बाद गिर गई।

इस्लामी क्रांति के बाद से ईरान की अलग-थलग स्थिति

ईरान की क्षेत्रीय अलगाव की जड़ें 1979 में शाह मोहम्मद रज़ा पहलवी की सत्ता से बेदखली और ईरान में इस्लामी गणराज्य की स्थापना में निहित हैं। अयातुल्ला खुमैनी के नेतृत्व में सत्ता में आई यह क्रांति न केवल राजनीतिक बल्कि वैचारिक बदलाव लेकर आई, जिसने सुन्नी-बहुल अरब देशों को चिंतित कर दिया।

ईरान में इस क्रांति के बाद धर्म और राजनीति को मिला दिया गया, और शिया इस्लाम को शासन और विदेश नीति का आधार बना दिया गया। खुमैनी का ‘इस्लामी क्रांति का निर्यात’ करने का विचार फ्रांसीसी क्रांति और शीत युद्ध में अमेरिकी लोकतांत्रिक प्रसार जैसी ही एक वैचारिक क्रांति थी, जिसने पड़ोसी सुन्नी शासकों को डरा दिया।

ईरान की इस्लामिक क्रांति के बाद की पश्चिम विरोधी और इज़राइल विरोधी नीति ने अरब देशों के साथ इसके रिश्तों को और अधिक जटिल बना दिया। ईरान-इराक युद्ध (1980–1988) के दौरान अधिकांश खाड़ी देशों ने इराक का समर्थन किया। ईरान के बढ़ते प्रभाव को रोकने के लिए 1981 में छह खाड़ी देशों ने मिलकर खाड़ी सहयोग परिषद (GCC) की स्थापना की।

सुन्नी-शिया विभाजन: धर्म और राजनीति का टकराव

ईरान की अलग-थलग स्थिति का एक बड़ा कारण धार्मिक मतभेद भी है। शिया दुनिया का नेता माने जाने वाला ईरान, सुन्नी इस्लाम के रक्षक सऊदी अरब के विपरीत धार्मिक और वैचारिक दृष्टिकोण रखता है। 1979 से पहले दोनों देश पश्चिम समर्थक राजशाही थे, लेकिन क्रांति के बाद दोनों के बीच सत्ता और प्रभाव को लेकर संघर्ष शुरू हो गया।

ईरान की क्रांति से प्रभावित होकर शिया आंदोलनों के बढ़ने के डर से सऊदी अरब ने वहाबी विचारधारा का प्रसार और समर्थन करना शुरू किया। दोनों देशों के बीच यह धार्मिक संघर्ष अब लेबनान, सीरिया, यमन और पाकिस्तान जैसे देशों में प्रॉक्सी युद्धों में तब्दील हो गया है।

1987 में हज यात्रा के दौरान ईरानी तीर्थयात्रियों और सऊदी सुरक्षाबलों के बीच टकराव ने दोनों देशों के रिश्तों को पूरी तरह तोड़ दिया। 2000 के दशक में संबंध थोड़े सुधरे, लेकिन ईरान द्वारा अमेरिका में सऊदी राजदूत की हत्या की साजिश ने तनाव को पुनः बढ़ा दिया।

2011 के अरब स्प्रिंग के दौरान ईरान ने बहरीन और सऊदी अरब में शिया आंदोलनों का समर्थन किया, जिसके बाद 2016 में सऊदी अरब, यूएई, कुवैत और बहरीन ने ईरानी राजनयिकों को निष्कासित कर दिया।

ईरान की प्रॉक्सी रणनीति और इसकी सीमाएं

ईरान की सैन्य रणनीति असममित युद्ध और प्रॉक्सी संगठनों पर आधारित रही है। 1980 के दशक से वह हिज़्बुल्लाह, आसाइब अहल अल-हक़, हरकत हिज़्बुल्लाह अल नुजबा, हूथी विद्रोही और फिलिस्तीनी इस्लामिक जिहाद जैसे संगठनों को हथियार, प्रशिक्षण और धन मुहैया कराता रहा है।

हिज़्बुल्लाह, ईरान की इस रणनीति का सबसे महत्वपूर्ण हिस्सा है, जिसे ईरान सालाना लगभग 700 मिलियन डॉलर की मदद देता है। इसके महासचिव हसन नसरल्लाह ने खुद स्वीकार किया है कि "हम जो कुछ खाते-पीते हैं, हमारे हथियार और रॉकेट सब कुछ ईरान देता है।"

लेकिन इन प्रॉक्सी संगठनों के सहारे की गई यह रणनीति कूटनीतिक रूप से ईरान के लिए हानिकारक सिद्ध हुई है। कई अरब देश इन संगठनों को आतंकवादी मानते हैं और इसके चलते ईरान के साथ अपने रिश्तों को सीमित रखते हैं।

परिवर्तनशील रणनीतियाँ: हाल की कूटनीतिक पहलें

पिछले कुछ वर्षों में ईरान और खाड़ी देशों के बीच तनाव कम करने के प्रयास हुए हैं। मार्च 2023 में ईरान और सऊदी अरब ने फिर से राजनयिक संबंध बहाल करने की घोषणा की। ईरान ने सऊदी अरब में शिया आबादी को भड़काने से परहेज करने की बात कही। यूएई ने 2021 में ईरान से रिश्ते बहाल किए, कुवैत ने समुद्री सीमा विवाद पर बातचीत शुरू की, और बहरीन भी अब ईरान से संबंध सामान्य करने की प्रक्रिया में है।

इन कदमों के परिणामस्वरूप 2022 से 2023 के बीच ईरान का व्यापार इन खाड़ी देशों के साथ लगभग 10% तक बढ़ा है। लेकिन यह संबंध अधिकतर व्यावसायिक और सुरक्षा संबंधी कारणों से हैं, न कि किसी इस्लामी एकजुटता के तहत।

रणनीतिक समीकरण और अब्राहम समझौते

अब्राहम समझौते — जिसके तहत यूएई, बहरीन, मोरक्को और सूडान जैसे अरब देशों ने इज़राइल के साथ राजनयिक संबंध स्थापित किए — ने क्षेत्र की राजनीति को नई दिशा दी है। अब ये देश इज़राइल के साथ तकनीकी, सुरक्षा और आर्थिक सहयोग को तरजीह दे रहे हैं।

ईरान के परमाणु कार्यक्रम को लेकर भी अधिकांश अरब देशों में चिंता है। वे नहीं चाहते कि ईरान परमाणु शक्ति बने और क्षेत्र में शक्ति संतुलन को अपने पक्ष में कर ले।

इस परिप्रेक्ष्य में ईरान की अलगाव स्थिति आकस्मिक नहीं बल्कि संरचनात्मक है , यह उसकी वैचारिक नीतियों, प्रॉक्सी युद्धों और परमाणु महत्वाकांक्षाओं का परिणाम है।

निष्कर्ष: ईरान का संकट और इस्लामी एकता का भविष्य

ईरान की वर्तमान स्थिति इस्लामी दुनिया में उसके वैचारिक, सांप्रदायिक और रणनीतिक अलगाव का परिणाम है। एक समय वह इस्लामी जागृति का नेतृत्व करना चाहता था, लेकिन उसकी शिया केंद्रित नीतियों, उग्र भाषणों और आतंक से जुड़े संगठनों को समर्थन देने की रणनीति ने उसे अपने ही मुस्लिम पड़ोसियों से दूर कर दिया।

आज के मध्य पूर्व में व्यावहारिकता (pragmatism) ने वैचारिकता (ideology) को पीछे छोड़ दिया है। अरब देश अब अपने आर्थिक और रणनीतिक हितों को प्राथमिकता देते हुए इज़राइल और अमेरिका से हाथ मिला रहे हैं। नतीजतन, ईरान आज न केवल बाहरी दुश्मनों के कारण, बल्कि अपनी नीतियों के कारण भी अकेला पड़ गया है।

Between Cross and Cosmos: Tribal Identity and the Contest over Conversion in Colonial India

 

As India commemorates its freedom fighters and reflects on the layered legacies of its colonial past, it is crucial to recognize the spiritual and cultural dimensions of tribal resistance. While most anti-colonial narratives focus on land, taxation, and political suppression, many tribal communities were also engaged in a fierce struggle to preserve their ancestral faiths from the incursions of British rule and Christian missionary activity.

This article explores how tribal leaders, particularly Bhagwan Birsa Munda, waged not just political or economic revolts but also spiritual wars of resistance against cultural erasure during the colonial era. Their faith was not merely a private belief system, but a living, breathing manifestation of identity, autonomy, and resistance.

Colonialism, Conversion, and the Civilizing Mission

The British colonial administration in India often treated tribal communities as "primitive" and "uncivilized". With the passage of the Charter Act of 1813, Christian missionary groups were formally allowed to operate across India. These evangelical missions, backed by colonial policies, entered tribal areas promising education and healthcare, but with conversion as their ultimate aim.

"Conversion was not simply about religious belief but a project to reorder society according to colonial-Christian norms." Gauri Viswanathan (1998)

Missionaries, viewing tribal traditions as satanic or pagan, actively worked to dismantle local religious systems. This collaboration between the colonial state and evangelical missions was a calculated project to assimilate tribal communities into the British imperial order, socially, economically, and spiritually.

The Ulgulan of Bhagwan Birsa Munda: A Sacred Rebellion

Among the many acts of resistance, Bhagwan Birsa Munda's Ulgulan (The Great Tumult) stands out as a defining moment of spiritual and cultural defiance. Originally educated in mission schools, Bhagwan Birsa Munda came to reject both the colonial system and missionary religion. He founded the Birsait faith, calling for a return to traditional customs, the worship of Singbonga (supreme deity), and the rejection of Christian teachings.

His movement blended tribal cosmology with Hindu concepts such as dharma, satya, and paap, creating a powerful, syncretic spiritual resistance to both Christian and colonial encroachments.

"Birsa’s religious vision was a critique of both the missionary and colonial projects; it promised not just spiritual salvation, but political emancipation." Ranajit Guha (1983)

Birsa’s legacy illustrates how faith was not a passive realm but a deeply political and identity-affirming force.

Education as a Tool of Assimilation

Missionaries also used Western-style education to facilitate conversion. Schools in tribal areas emphasized English, Christian morals, and vocational training aimed at integrating tribal youth into the colonial economy.

As historian Sen (2010) observed,

"Education was not liberatory for tribal communities under colonialism; it was a means of assimilation and pacification."

This created social cleavages within tribal society, elevating converts over non-converts, sidelining traditional leaders, and fragmenting tribal unity.

Wider Landscape of Resistance

Though Bhagwan Birsa Munda’s movement is the most celebrated, several other tribal revolts reflected a similar resistance to cultural and religious colonization:

Santhal Rebellion (1855–56): Primarily known as an agrarian revolt, it was also a stand against missionary intrusion.

Tana Bhagat Movement: Oraons in Jharkhand rejected Christianity and revived tribal traditions as a form of religious nationalism.

Heraka Movement: Led by Rani Gaidinliu, it sought to purify and protect Naga faiths from missionary influence in the North-East.

In these movements, land, religion, and community were deeply intertwined, making the battle against conversion a battle for identity and existence.

Conversion as Cultural Displacement

The act of conversion often led to total cultural transformation—not just religious belief, but language, dress, food habits, and rituals. Converts were sometimes viewed as outsiders by their own communities. In the words of Jomo Kenyatta:

"When the missionaries came to Africa, they had the Bible and we had the land. They said, 'Let us pray.' We closed our eyes. When we opened them, we had the Bible and they had the land."

Hardiman (1998) echoed this in the Indian context:

"To convert was to become alien in one’s own land."

Many tribal communities responded by reviving festivals, oral traditions, and ecological rituals—reclaiming cultural space as an act of resistance.

Contemporary Resonance: Legacy of the Struggle

In 2021, the Indian government declared 15 November, Bhagwan Birsa Munda’s birth anniversary, as Janjatiya Gaurav Diwas—a symbolic recognition of tribal contributions to India’s anti-colonial legacy.

Yet, missionary activity and religious conversion remain contentious. In the North-East, large-scale conversions have altered indigenous identities. In Central India, groups like the Janjati Suraksha Manch demand that constitutional protections for Scheduled Tribes be limited to those who maintain their original tribal faiths.

This ongoing debate reflects the unfinished legacy of colonial religious interventions. Tribal communities today also seek the full implementation of PESA (1996) and the Forest Rights Act (2006), which guarantee community rights over land and natural resources.

Conclusion: Faith as a Force of Freedom

The tribal resistance during British rule was not merely about land or taxation—it was an epistemic resistance, a defense of worldview, spirituality, and memory. Movements led by Bhagwan Birsa Munda, Rani Gaidinliu, and the Santhals were not just political—they were religious revolts against cultural annihilation.

These revolts remind us that faith can be a political act, a means to assert dignity, self-rule, and heritage. Recognizing these dimensions helps us reframe India’s freedom struggle to include the spiritual voices of the forest, the hills, and the tribal hearths—voices that refused to be erased.

“To understand the tribal question is to understand India’s soul.”

Let us not relegate these stories to the footnotes of history. They deserve to be at the very center of our national consciousness.

A Father’s Silent Sacrifice: A Memoir of Love, Struggle, and Legacy

 

Although every day is Father’s Day in the truest sense, a day like this compels me to pause, reflect, and remember the extraordinary man who shaped my life and that of my siblings. As I sit with memories on this Father's Day, I am overwhelmed—not just with gratitude, but with humility—for the countless sacrifices he made for us, often quietly, often without seeking any acknowledgment.

My father was born in a small, remote tribal village tucked away in the wilderness of Maharashtra. There were no facilities, no privileges, and no opportunities—but there was an unbreakable spirit in him. Despite growing up in the face of hardship, he dreamt big for us, his children. He once told me that he had prayed to God for a child who would be intelligent, someone who would contribute not just to the family but to society at large. I was his firstborn, and when he saw that I grasped things quickly as a child, he would often smile and say that God had answered his prayers.

He instilled in us a sense of confidence, of purpose, and above all, discipline. I still remember how he would sit with us late into the night, guiding us through our studies. He had prepared a timetable for us which we had to strictly adhere to. There were rules, and if broken, there were consequences. He would tell us, “Work while you work, play while you play. That’s the way for happy and gay.”

He was strict, not out of anger, but out of love, a love shaped by his unfulfilled dreams. He was an ambitious man, but growing up in an area with no schooling beyond Class 3, those dreams remained only dreams. He wanted us to chase the ambitions he never had the chance to pursue. He was leaving no stone unturned to see us do well in our studies and then in life.

From Class 4 onwards, we had to move to Bhamragad, our tehsil headquarters, which had schooling till Class 10. Every weekend, without fail, he would walk to Bhamragad to check on us. He stayed with us, helped us with our lessons, and even extended his help to other students in need. Education was not just a goal for his own children, it was a mission that he carried for the community.

One of the most remarkable qualities of my father was his progressive mindset. In a village where gender roles were strictly defined, he never discriminated between his sons and daughters. We are six siblings, three brothers and three sisters—and he invested equally in the growth of each of us. He would often tell me, as his eldest child, that it was my duty to take care of my siblings as I moved forward in life. Perhaps he foresaw a brighter future for me, one he couldn't fully articulate, but deeply believed in.

He always encouraged us not to settle for less, to stretch our wings and fly beyond the confines of our circumstances. He wanted us to be disciplined, to pursue excellence, and to be useful to society. Unlike many parents in our village, he would encourage us to sit near the village elders during their panchayat discussions, to listen, to learn, and to grow. He believed that wisdom came not just from books, but from life experiences and community conversations. He respected the sagacious elders of our tribal community and ensured we imbibed their values too.

When I moved to Gadchiroli for high school, he longed to visit me and meet my teachers, to plead with them to guide me well. But the distance and the lack of financial resources held him back. His inability to support me further hurt him deeply. Still, he never let me give up. He would often say, "You must move ahead, come what may."

My father was an educated man by the standards of our village. He had studied up to the 7th standard, could read and write in Marathi fluently, and held great respect among the villagers. In a region affected by Maoist activities, he was a rare pillar of courage and guidance. He would help the villagers in police cases, write applications, speak on their behalf, and defend them when they were wrongfully accused.

Even more astonishing was his courage to speak truth to power. He would openly argue with Maoist leaders, telling them their actions were bringing suffering to the innocent villagers. While my mother pleaded with him to stay silent, he never backed down. And yet, he was fortunate—they listened to him and, importantly, never harmed him. He held no fear for his life because he carried a heart full of responsibility. If I today aspire to serve society in any meaningful way, it is because of him.

But as I recount his life, I cannot help but feel an ache in my heart. He struggled throughout his life—he never wore good clothes, never ate to his heart's content. He lost his mother when he was just two years old. His stepmother was unkind, often depriving him of food. It was his eldest sister who raised him, and he revered her like a mother throughout his life.

He passed away while we were still studying. He did not live to see what we have become. Today, I am a professor at the University of Delhi. My younger brother is an officer in the Government of Maharashtra. Our sisters are educated and settled, just as he wished. If he were alive, we could have offered him the comfort and joy he never had. We could have shown him the world beyond the forests he knew, given him the good food and warm clothes he always denied himself.

But fate had other plans. Today, I believe he watches over us from his heavenly abode, smiling at our achievements and protecting us as he always did. We, his children, carry his legacy forward, and we pray for the eternal peace of his soul.

He was not just our father. He was our first teacher, our guardian angel, and our unsung hero.

I Haven’t Come This Far to Come Only This Far

 

There is a principle I have lived by all my life: If you cannot fly, run; if you cannot run, walk; and if you cannot walk, then crawl — but keep moving toward your goal. I’ve never believed that destiny alone defines who we become. While many hold the view that we receive only what fate has decided for us, I have always believed otherwise. In my experience, it is a combination of destiny, unwavering hard work, and a clear, self-determined plan that shapes our path.

Let me now take a moment to share the journey that has brought me to where I am today. I was a reasonably bright student since childhood, thanks in large part to my father. He instilled in us the importance of thinking big and dreaming beyond the limitations of our surroundings. He often emphasized that we must not settle for smaller things. This vision, planted early, became the inner compass that guided my life.

My father had high expectations of me and my younger brother, who studied with me in the same class. He wanted us to excel not only in academics but also in sports, singing, and acting. While I struggled in sports and acting, I did manage to do fairly well in studies and singing. I spent my early schooling years in my village, Kukkameta, a small place of sixty houses, and then in Bhamragad, a remote tehsil in the Gadchiroli district of Maharashtra—an area deeply affected by poverty and Maoist insurgency.

I studied at the Samuh Nivasi School, a residential school in Bhamragad. I consistently stood first in class, though I must humbly admit that this achievement came in the context of studying among peers who came from some of the most marginalized tribal communities in India. My own family was no better off economically, but we had a small advantage—my father, who studied till class 7, knew the value of education. He insisted that my brother and I understand our lessons thoroughly at home before school did.

We also spoke Marathi at home, unlike many of our tribal classmates whose families conversed in the Madiya language. Since government schools in Maharashtra use Marathi as the medium of instruction, we were at a natural advantage in understanding our coursework. This is why topping the class back then, though encouraging, was not something to glorify too much.

The real test began when I moved to Gadchiroli town to continue my studies in class 8. In comparison to Bhamragad, Gadchiroli was a bustling city. I soon realized that I wasn’t strong in Mathematics and Science—subjects that now took center stage. Over time, I recognized that my true interests lay in the Social Sciences and Humanities.

Yet, like many others, I was swept into the common belief that science was superior. I opted for the science stream after my 10th class, despite barely scraping through with a first-class (70%), mostly thanks to my good scores in Social Sciences and languages. There were two reasons behind my decision: one, I didn’t want to be looked down upon for choosing Arts; and two, I had a dream—I wanted to join the National Defence Academy and serve as a commissioned officer in the armed forces.

By class 9, joining the NDA was a conscious goal. But as fate would have it, my poor grasp of Science and Mathematics meant I couldn't pass 12th grade in the Science stream, nor could I qualify for the NDA. It was a disheartening setback. Yet, I did not allow it to break me.

I redirected my path and returned to the Arts stream. With renewed focus, I secured a distinction in class 12 and got admission into the prestigious Fergusson College in Pune. Again, destiny lent a hand—I managed to secure a spot in the government hostel run by the Social Welfare Department of the Government of Maharashtra, which was critical for someone like me with almost no financial resources.

I graduated with a B.A., earning first-class marks. But by then, life had thrown another curveball—I lost my father. As the eldest of six siblings, I had responsibilities to shoulder, including preparing for my sister’s marriage. Even before my father’s death, I had resolved to take on my family’s responsibilities, if only temporarily, before pursuing the UPSC dream.

But what job could a plain graduate get? I had anticipated this, and so, during my college years, I set my eyes on working in international call centers. These offered two key advantages: decent salaries for fresh graduates and the chance to refine my spoken English. I spent years consciously improving my communication skills. In my third year, I appeared for nearly 100 interviews over six months before finally landing a job with an international call center.

That job served its purpose well. I earned enough to support my sister’s wedding and saved up for further studies. My dream of becoming an IAS officer was alive. I now needed a place to study, and also a backup plan if UPSC didn’t work out. That’s how I arrived at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU).

JNU proved to be a blessing. It provided not just a scholarly environment but also an affordable education. Although I did not clear the UPSC exam, I pursued an M.A. in International Relations followed by an M.Phil. in International Organizations from JNU. I passed the National Eligibility Test (NET) in my first attempt, qualifying to teach at the university level.

Eventually, I was appointed as an Assistant Professor at the University of Delhi—first in an ad-hoc capacity and later as a permanent faculty member. From the dense forests of Bhamragad to the lecture halls of Delhi University, I have taken the unconventional path.

I have made my share of mistakes. I’ve taken wrong turns, trusted the wrong people, and sometimes acted out of emotion rather than reason. There were moments when life felt unbearably heavy. I met and still meet individuals who directly or indirectly suggest to me that I should settle for whatever I have. I am not angry with them, but I won’t compromise with my goals, my priorities. Now the principle is simple: you keep me in your priorities, I keep you in mine.

But my life is not all about self-centered people, I have also been luckier to have met angels—people who came into my life like messengers of God. They supported me, expected nothing in return, and stood by me in my darkest hours. In many ways, they renewed my faith in humanity. I am grateful to them, I worship them.  

Through everything, I never settled for less. And now, as I look ahead, I carry a clear resolve: I will not be an emotional fool no matter what. I want to live a life of consequence. I want to be useful to society, especially to the poor and the oppressed. I reject tokenism. I aspire to work for real, substantial change—change that uplifts, transforms, and sustains.

I have little patience for those who mislead others or manipulate their vulnerabilities. My journey has taught me to value honesty, hard work, and purpose. I keep reminding myself:

I haven’t come this far to come only this far.

Remembering Bhagwan Birsa Munda: A Symbol of Tribal Pride and National Identity

 

On June 9, 1900, Bhagwan Birsa Munda breathed his last in a British prison, leaving behind a legacy that continues to inspire millions. He was only 25, but in his short life, he ignited a revolution, the Ulgulan, that was not merely a tribal resistance but a movement for civilizational preservation. Today, as India strives to celebrate its pluralism and diversity, Bhagwan Birsa Munda’s life reminds us of the glorious chapters in our freedom struggle, those written in the dialects of the forest, sung in the songs of the hills, and fought with bows, courage, and conviction.

In recent years, the Government of India has taken several meaningful steps to bring the legacy of Bhagwan Birsa Munda and other tribal heroes into national consciousness. In 2021, Prime Minister Narendra Modi paid homage on his birth anniversary—15 November—declaring it a “day of national faith.” It's essential to remember that the government of India decided on 10 November 2021 to observe 15 November as Janjatiya Gaurav Diwas, an annual national observance to honor tribal freedom fighters and the rich heritage of tribal communities. This landmark decision was part of the Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav, commemorating 75 years of India’s independence.

The significance of this declaration is more than symbolic. It is a long-overdue acknowledgment of the vital role that tribal communities played, and continue to play, in shaping India’s national fabric. Bhagwan Birsa Munda’s struggle was not just against British economic and political exploitation but also a valiant defense of tribal identity, faith, and rights over jal, jungle, jameen (water, forest, and land).

 

During colonial rule, tribal societies bore the brunt of forced displacements, forest alienation, and cultural erasure. Evangelical conversions and displacement from ancestral lands were tactics employed to dismantle tribal autonomy. Bhagwan Birsa Munda, often called ‘Dharti Aaba’ (Father of the Earth), rose against this injustice. His Ulgulan movement sought not just freedom from the British but a reclamation of dignity. While he may have succumbed to British might, his resistance ignited a flame that illuminated paths for many other freedom fighters. Bhagwan Birsa Munda’s fight against British colonial rule is significant as it inspired national awakening.

To institutionalize his memory, the Indian government has established the first Tribal Freedom Fighters Museum in Ranchi, Jharkhand. This is not an isolated initiative, but museums celebrating tribal heritage and valour are being developed in various states—Gujarat (Garudeshwar, Rajpipla), Andhra Pradesh (Lammasingi), Chhattisgarh (Raipur), Kerala (Kozhikode), Madhya Pradesh (Chhindwara), Telangana (Hyderabad), Manipur (Makhal Village, Senapati), Mizoram, and Goa. These centers aim not only to educate but also to spark pride and tourism in tribal regions often overlooked in mainstream narratives.

Bhagwan Birsa Munda’s name today adorns not just museums but also institutions and landmarks across India, Birsa Munda Airport in Ranchi, Birsa Institute of Technology in Sindri, and the world’s largest hockey stadium in Rourkela. His legacy lives on in academic institutions, student hostels, military regiments, and even university festivals. The Bihar Regiment of the Indian Army raises its war cry with “Birsa Munda Ki Jai,” encapsulating the spirit of resistance and loyalty to the land.

The Modi government, in particular, is honoring tribal heroes by various means such as introducing courses in tribal studies in the Universities in different parts of India. Along with it, systematic efforts are being made to offer research projects to researchers and university professors to study and make policy suggestions about the marginalization, displacement, and exclusion of tribal communities.

Additionally, it's worth noting that Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, India’s largest organization dedicated to the overall well-being of tribal communities, has played a significant role in bringing to light the life, legacy, and sacrifices of Bhagwan Birsa Munda. By organizing educational programs, cultural events, and awareness campaigns, the organization has ensured that Bhagwan Birsa Munda's struggle for tribal rights and identity is remembered as an integral part of India's broader freedom movement. Through its efforts, it continues to inspire pride in tribal heritage and instill awareness about the importance of ecological balance and cultural self-respect, values for which Bhagwan Birsa Munda laid down his life.

As we remember Bhagwan Birsa Munda on his death anniversary on 9^th June, it's important for us as a society and nation to ensure that Bhagwan Birsa Munda’s legacy is more than ceremonial. It should inspire robust policy-making, land rights protection, forest governance reform, inclusion in education and healthcare, and most importantly, the safeguarding of tribal languages, rituals, and worldviews.

As India strides into the future, it must carry the wisdom of its tribal past. Bhagwan Birsa Munda’s life was a message to all Indians: that freedom is not only about political independence, but also about cultural survival, environmental harmony, and dignity for all identities. Let the 9 June, Bhagwan Birsa Munda’s day of remembrance, not just be a calendar event, but a call to rediscover the soul of India, where India’s tribal heritage is not peripheral, but foundational.